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Cayden Primeau: a team could make him their Samuel MontembeaultThe Israeli government confirmed on Monday that Omer Neutra, a dual U.S.-Israeli citizen, was killed during Hamas' attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023. Neutra, 21, was a tank platoon commander in the IDF. He was thought to be alive in captivity. His parents, Ronen and Orna Neutra, spent the last year campaigning for his release and the release of the remaining hostages thought to be held in Gaza. They spoke at the Republican National Convention in July, wrote op-eds, stayed in steady communication with the Biden Administration and the White House, and made regular media appearances, including with Scripps News . The whole time, they sought to pressure U.S. and Israeli leadership to resolve the hostage crisis. RELATED STORY | Families of Gaza hostages bring their message to both the current and upcoming White Houses "In the 423 days since October 7th, we expected our leaders to demonstrate the same courage displayed so bravely by Omer and rise to the occasion on behalf of those who were killed and kidnapped, just as our beloved Omer showed until the very end," Ronen and Orna Neutra wrote in a statement released Monday. "Leadership will only be revealed in actions and results going forward. We call upon the Israeli government to work with President Biden and President-elect Trump, to use all of their leverage and resources to return all 101 hostages — living and the deceased — to their families as soon as possible." A propaganda video released by Hamas Saturday showed Edan Alexander, an Israeli-American held hostage who was also captured while serving in the IDF. In the video, Alexander calls on Trump to keep negotiating for the freedom of the hostages remaining in Gaza. Trump on Monday demanded release of the remaining hostages, writing on Truth Social: "Please let this truth serve to represent that if the hostages are not released prior to January 20, 2025, the date that I proudly assume office as President of the United States, there will be all hell to pay in the Middle East, and for those in charge who perpetrated these atrocities against humanity."

Mind the Gap: Six Tips to Assess Your Healthcare Coverage Before the New YearEasey Street murder suspect on way to AustraliaHearing a case by petitioners aggrieved with the unremitting hostilities in Manipur, the Supreme Court of India has directed the Manipur government to disclose details of destroyed and encroached properties following the ethnic violence a year and a half ago. The Court had also, a few months ago, extended the working tenure of the Justice Gita Mittal-led Committee supervising the investigations related to the violence and also humanitarian assistance and relief in the State. Ideally, these steps should not have been under the aegis of the Court and, instead, under the remit of the executive governments — in this case, the State and the Union Home Ministry. But the violent imagery of sexual violence, the wanton destruction of property, including places of worship, and the continuing hostility between the State’s two ethnic groups had forced the Court’s hand into foraying into a supervisory role through the Justice Mittal Committee. It has also become an imperative for the higher judiciary, first, because of the remarkable reticence of the Union government in answering questions from civil society and the political Opposition related to the situation in the State, and second, due to the lack of accountability by the misfiring State government that has been ineffective in bridging the ethnic gap. Even political representatives from the same parties have been split on ethnic lines and there seems little convergence in the political demands being made by the opposite camps. There is also the rise of non-state actors, armed with sophisticated weapons — many of which are looted from the State armouries — exercising their illegal writ on the political process. They have also been engaged in violent acts in places such as Jiribam, which did not see any ethnic conflagrations earlier. Manipur’s tragic descent into ethnic hostilities receives national attention only when the scale of the violence is horrifying and reaches unconscionable levels. Despite the government averring that it is taking steps to restore the rule of law and addressing the political differences, a return to the status quo ante before May 2023 seems far away. The Court’s renewed attention is, therefore, welcome, but shorn of meaningful steps to reverse the spiral of hostilities, this exercise would remain incomplete. The government’s attorneys have also sought to retain a veil of secrecy over the committee’s functioning and findings using the tired rhetoric of “national security”. The Court should not pay heed to this ploy which seems more a case of seeking to divert attention than helping to find meaningful solutions to the conflict. Across the world, conflict resolution has focused on mechanisms such as “truth and reconciliation” exercises which have privileged accountability and normative actions, something that remains absent in Manipur. The Committee’s findings may provide the necessary push in the right direction. Published - December 14, 2024 12:20 am IST Copy link Email Facebook Twitter Telegram LinkedIn WhatsApp Reddit judiciary (system of justice) / Manipur / unrest, conflicts and war / government / national or ethnic minority

THESSALONIKI, Greece (AP) — Greece’s second largest city, Thessaloniki, is getting a brand new subway system that will showcase archaeological discoveries made during construction that held up the project for decades. The 9.6-kilometer inaugural line will officially open on Nov. 30, using driverless trains and platform screen doors. Construction began in earnest in 2003 and unearthed a treasure trove of antiquities in a vast excavation beneath the densely populated city of a million residents. “This project offers a remarkable blend of the ancient and modern, integrating archaeological heritage with metro infrastructure,” Christos Staikouras, the transport and infrastructure minister, told reporters Friday on a media tour of the subway. Tunneling followed ancient commercial routes through the center of the port city that has been continuously inhabited since ancient times. It exposed a Roman-era thoroughfare, ancient Greek burial sites, water and drainage systems, mosaics and inscriptions and tens of thousands of artifacts spanning centuries, also through Byzantine and Ottoman rule. The tunnels had to be bored at a greater depth than originally planned, adding cost and delays, to preserve the ancient discoveries. Key pieces of what was found have been put on display along the underground network of 13 stations including a section of the marble-paved Roman thoroughfare at the central Venizelou Station. “The project faced substantial delays and many challenges, including over 300,000 archaeological finds, many of which are now showcased at various stations along the main line,” Staikouras said. The Thessaloniki metro was first conceived more than a century ago and its completion has been greeted with quiet amazement by residents who for years used the metro project as a punchline for bureaucratic delays and undelivered promises. Government officials said the cost of the metro so far has reached 3 billion euros ($3.1 billion) for the completed first line of the subway system and most of a second line which is currently under construction and due to be delivered in a year. The construction consortium was made up by Greece’s Aktor, Italy’s Webuild and Japan’s Hitachi Rail.

SAN FRANCISCO , Nov. 26, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- Autodesk, Inc. (NASDAQ: ADSK) today announced the appointment of Janesh Moorjani as the company's chief financial officer, effective December 16, 2024 . Moorjani brings over 20 years of experience in the technology industry, with deep expertise in driving growth and efficiency at scale. Most recently, Moorjani served as CFO and COO of Elastic NV (NYSE: ESTC), the Search AI Company. Reporting to chief executive officer Andrew Anagnost , Moorjani will lead and oversee Autodesk's global finance organization. Moorjani will succeed interim chief financial officer Elizabeth "Betsy" Rafael, who will serve as an advisor to the company through the end of fiscal 2025 and will continue to serve on Autodesk's Board of Directors, resuming her status as an independent director following the transition period and end of her employment by the company. "We are excited to welcome such a high-caliber and seasoned CFO in Janesh," said Andrew Anagnost , president and CEO of Autodesk. "His deep finance and software experience will be instrumental in supporting Autodesk's continued momentum with sustained growth and enhanced profitability. I look forward to partnering with Janesh to drive Autodesk's successful path forward and continue creating additional value for our stockholders. I also thank Betsy for stepping into the interim CFO role at an important time for Autodesk, and for her continued contributions both through the transition and as a qualified and experienced board member moving forward." Moorjani brings strong experience leading dynamic public software companies. He recently was CFO of Elastic since 2017 and assumed the additional responsibilities of COO in 2022. Prior to Elastic, he served in executive and leadership roles at Infoblox, VMware, Cisco, PTC, and Goldman Sachs. He currently serves on the Board of Directors of Cohesity, a leading AI-powered data security and data management company. "I am thrilled to join Autodesk and work with Andrew, the company's strong management team and the Board to capitalize on the compelling growth opportunities we have ahead," said Moorjani. "Autodesk has established a clear leadership position as a technology innovator by providing differentiated and connected solutions that allow customers across industries to design and make anything. I look forward to working with the team to build on Autodesk's strong financial foundation to drive continued growth, profitability and free cash flow to ultimately deliver sustainable stockholder value." ABOUT AUTODESK The world's designers, engineers, builders, and creators trust Autodesk to help them design and make anything. From the buildings we live and work in, to the cars we drive and the bridges we drive over. From the products we use and rely on, to the movies and games that inspire us. Autodesk's Design and Make Platform unlocks the power of data to accelerate insights and automate processes, empowering our customers with the technology to create the world around us and deliver better outcomes for their business and the planet. For more information, visit autodesk.com or follow @autodesk. #MakeAnything Autodesk is a registered trademark of Autodesk, Inc., and/or its subsidiaries and/or affiliates in the USA and/or other countries. All other brand names, product names or trademarks belong to their respective holders. Autodesk reserves the right to alter product and services offerings, and specifications and pricing at any time without notice, and is not responsible for typographical or graphical errors that may appear in this document. SAFE HARBOR STATEMENT This press release contains forward-looking statements that involve risks and uncertainties, including quotations from management, statements regarding our strategies, performance, results, growth, profitability and free cash flow, and all statements that are not historical facts. There are a significant number of factors that could cause actual results to differ materially from statements made in this press release, including: our strategy to develop and introduce new products and services and to move to platforms and capabilities, exposing us to risks such as limited customer acceptance (both new and existing customers), costs related to product defects, and large expenditures; global economic and political conditions, including changes in monetary and fiscal policy, foreign exchange headwinds, recessionary fears, supply chain disruptions, resulting inflationary pressures and hiring conditions; geopolitical tension and armed conflicts, and extreme weather events; costs and challenges associated with strategic acquisitions and investments; our ability to successfully implement and expand our transaction model; dependency on international revenue and operations, exposing us to significant international regulatory, economic, intellectual property, collections, currency exchange rate, taxation, political, and other risks, including risks related to the war against Ukraine launched by Russia and our exit from Russia and the current conflict between Israel and Hamas; inability to predict subscription renewal rates and their impact on our future revenue and operating results; existing and increased competition and rapidly evolving technological changes; fluctuation of our financial results, key metrics and other operating metrics; our transition from up front to annual billings for multi-year contracts; deriving a substantial portion of our net revenue from a small number of solutions, including our AutoCAD-based software products and collections; any failure to successfully execute and manage initiatives to realign or introduce new business and sales initiatives, including our new transaction model for Flex; net revenue, billings, earnings, cash flow, or new or existing subscriptions shortfalls; social and ethical issues relating to the use of artificial intelligence in our offerings; our ability to maintain security levels and service performance meeting the expectations of our customers, and the resources and costs required to avoid unanticipated downtime and prevent, detect and remediate performance degradation and security breaches; security incidents or other incidents compromising the integrity of our or our customers' offerings, services, data, or intellectual property; reliance on third parties to provide us with a number of operational and technical services as well as software; our highly complex software, which may contain undetected errors, defects, or vulnerabilities; increasing regulatory focus on privacy issues and expanding laws; governmental export and import controls that could impair our ability to compete in international markets or subject us to liability if we violate the controls; protection of our intellectual property rights and intellectual property infringement claims from others; the government procurement process; fluctuations in currency exchange rates; our debt service obligations; and our investment portfolio consisting of a variety of investment vehicles that are subject to interest rate trends, market volatility, and other economic factors. Further information on potential factors that could affect the financial results of Autodesk are included in Autodesk's Form 10-K and subsequent Forms 10-Q, which are on file with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission. Autodesk disclaims any obligation to update the forward-looking statements provided to reflect events that occur or circumstances that exist after the date on which they were made. View original content to download multimedia: https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/autodesk-appoints-janesh-moorjani-as-chief-financial-officer-302316577.html SOURCE Autodesk, Inc.

Season’s greetings to all readers! Let me begin the second part of this article on the speakers of Sri Lanka with a reference to former Speaker Asoka Ranwala. A source who is usually well-informed about matters concerning the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and the National People’s Power (NPP) got in touch with me a few days ago. He said that ex-Speaker Ranwala had indeed acquired a doctoral degree from Japan. According to this JVP/NPP “partisan” source, Asoka Ranwala has indeed acquired a PhD from a Japanese institution of higher learning and is therefore entitled to the prefix “Dr”. Apparently Ranwala, a longstanding activist of the JVP, had “escaped” from Sri Lanka when the Ranasinghe Premadasa regime had cracked down hard on the JVP in the 1989-90 period. Ranwala had made his way to Japan and resided there for several years, stated this source. Ranwala had pursued further studies while being in Japan during those years and had obtained a doctoral degree, claimed this source. Due to some procedural difficulties, Ranwala had been unable to get accredited documentation to clearly establish his bona fides in this matter. The JVP hierarchy was convinced that Ranwala had a doctorate and was prepared to give him time to produce documentary proof of his PhD. But when the Opposition was preparing to present a no confidence motion in Parliament, the JVP leaders had felt it was better for Ranwala to resign from his post and then restore his tarnished image by procuring documentary proof of his qualifications. As such Asoka Ranwala is scheduled to go to Japan soon (he may have gone already) and take steps to get proof of his doctoral degree. “Asoka Ranwala will soon prove that he does indeed have a doctorate from Japan,” emphasised the source. I am inclined to treat this claim with more than a pinch of salt, but let us wait and see what happens. As stated in the first part of this article published last week, both Asoka Ranwala and yesteryear speaker Anandatissa de Alwis have one thing in common. Both were first-time entrants to Parliament who served as speakers. Anandatissa de Alwis had entered the National State Assembly as Parliament was called then for the first time in July 1977 as MP for Kotte when he was elected speaker. Being a former journalist himself, Anandatissa de Alwis was the darling of the media but it was during his period as Speaker that the Parliamentary Powers and Privileges Act was given new teeth. To demonstrate the power of the amended law, two senior editors of Lake House were summoned to the House over a mix up of a photo caption allegedly affecting then Foreign Minister A.C.S. Hameed. It was a trivial mix up of captions between pictures of an event concerning minister Hameed and a woman clad in a bikini. The two editors were grilled exhaustively and hauled over the coals by Government parliamentarians. An exasperated leader of the Opposition Appapillai Amirthalingam called for an end to the comic inquisition. The editors were let off with a fine. The talk among journalists then was that the captions had been deliberately mixed up to enable the staging of this parliamentary drama. Anandatissa de Alwis became a Cabinet minister in 1978. He was succeeded as Speaker by the deputy speaker Beruwela MP, Bakeer Markar in September 1978. It was during Bakeer Markar’s tenure that the no confidence motion against Opposition leader of the time, Appapillai Amirthalingam was moved by government MPs in 1981. Such a development was unheard of in parliamentary history. Government MPs don’t bring votes of no confidence against the leader of the Opposition. Not only did Bakeer allow the motion but also failed to restrain the “criminal” remarks made by MPs against an absent Amirthalingam during the one-sided debate. The lone communist party MP Sarath Muttetuwegama walked out of Parliament after criticising Bakeer Markar for letting Government backbenchers run Parliament instead of asserting order in the House as Speaker. Bakeer Markar also failed to check the vituperatively racist outpourings of Cyril Mathew in Parliament on more than one occasion. In spite of appeasing hawkish elements in Government ranks and disgracing the office of Speaker in the process, Bakeer Markar was unable to continue as Speaker for his full term. After the anti-Tamil pogrom of July 1983, sections of the Buddhist clergy exerted pressure on J.R. that a Sinhala Buddhist, E.L. Senanayake of Kandy should replace Bakeer Markar the Muslim Speaker. This was acceded to and the old trooper E.L. served as speaker from September 1983 to December 1988. Bakeer was inducted into the cabinet as a minister without portfolio. The 1989 to 1994 Parliament saw the veteran Muslim leader from Colombo, M. Haniffa Mohamed function as Speaker. M.H. Mohamed’s crisis hour came during the impeachment motion moves against president Ranasinghe Premadasa by the trio comprising Lalith Athulathmudali, Gamini Dissanayake and G.M. Premachandra. After being initially favourable to the rebels, Mohamed changed track swiftly and switched loyalties in favour of President Premadasa. A fresh breeze blew in the musty corridors of power in 1994 when the 17-year-long UNP rule was terminated in 1994 by a People’s Alliance (PA) Government led by Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. In 1994 it was the turn of Rajarata’s K.B. Ratnayake to be Speaker. The former Anuradhapura MP was an old student of Hartley College, Point Pedro and spoke Tamil well. K.B. was perhaps the first Sinhala speaker to speak all three languages fluently in the House. Most of the Muslim speakers too were trilingual. The new millennium in 2000 witnessed what was then the rare spectacle of both Government and Opposition electing a consensus candidate as Speaker. That singular honour went to Chandrika Kumaratunga’s brother and Ranil Wickremesinghe’s old school chum Anura Bandaranaike. The PA Government had won the elections with a slender majority. Though Anura was then in the UNP and therefore in the Opposition, Chandrika and Ranil agreed to make Anura the Speaker, much against the wishes of party stalwarts on both sides. A crisis arose when Kumaratunga prorogued Parliament after she lost her majority in parliament. Efforts were on to impeach the president and the then Chief Justice Sarath Silva. Sarath Silva tried to restrain the speaker from accepting the impeachment motion. Though initially hesitant, Anura Bandaranaike ruled later that Parliament was supreme. He said the Supreme Court had no jurisdiction to issue interim orders restraining the Speaker in respect of the steps he is empowered to take under Standing Order 78 (a). As stated earlier, the ruling was prompted by the issue of a restraining order on Speaker Anura Bandaranaike by then Chief Justice Sarath N. Silva because there were moves for an impeachment motion against him (Silva) in Parliament. By then, no motion was placed on the Order Paper and only signatures were being collected. The restraining order was based on two fundamental rights petitions heard by a Supreme Court bench presided by then Chief Justice Silva himself. However, the motion did not materialise since the then President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga later dissolved Parliament. Summarising his decision, Speaker Anura Bandaranaike declared that: 1. The Supreme Court had no jurisdiction to issue the interim orders restraining the Speaker of Parliament in respect of the steps he is empowered to take under Standing Order 78(a). 2. The interim orders dated 6 June 2001 are not binding on the Speaker of Parliament. 3. There are no legal obligations to comply with the said orders. Later Anura crossed over to the PA after Parliament was dissolved. December 2001 elections saw the UNP-led UNF win. Ranil Wickremesinghe became premier while Chandrika Kumaratunga remained executive president. Gampaha District MP, Joseph Michael Perera was elected Speaker. During his term of office Joseph Michael Perera made a controversial ruling where he emphasised that the President could not unilaterally prorogue Parliament. The Speaker’s (Joseph Michael Perera) ruling reiterated the position that the executive power of the people is vested in the president and Article 70 of the Constitution confers on the president the power to summon, prorogue and dissolve parliament. However, Article 70 of the Constitution, Perera ruled cannot contravene Articles 3 and 4 of the Constitution. Parliament has been elected by the people in whom the sovereign power is vested under Article 3 of the Constitution. Under Article 4, this sovereignty is divided and exercised by the executive president, parliament and the judiciary. In addition, under Article 4, parliament also exercises the judicial power of the people through the courts and tribunals established by the constitution or created and established by law. The Speaker J.M. Perera pointed out in his order that an examination of the scheme of the Constitution shows that Article 70 appears in Chapter XI titled, “The legislative procedure and power.” This makes it clear that this aspect of the president’s power is not an attributive of his executive power set out in article VII, but rather an administrative function vis-a-vis parliament. The exercise of the power to summon, dissolve and prorogue must therefore always be exercised in consultation with parliament and this function must be accepted at all times as being subordinate to the legislative power of the people conferred on parliament by Article 4 (a). Joseph Michael Perera therefore determined that were it not so, it would lead to a situation where one arm of government is able to completely suppress another equal, but separate arm. Interestingly Joseph Michael Perera’s ruling features prominently in the 2018 situation where President Sirisena arbitrarily prorogued Parliament without consulting the Speaker. Political cohabitation came to an end in 2004 and Parliament was dissolved by the then president Kumaratunga. Elections were held and the SLFP led United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) came to power. The communist party’s D.E.W. Gunasekera’s name was proposed as Speaker by the UPFA. However, the Opposition nominated UNP’s Badulla District MP, W.J.M. Lokubandara instead of the incumbent Speaker Joseph Michael Perera. Though Perera could have been fielded as a speaker candidate, a change was necessitated due to political exigencies. Joseph Michael Perera was a Catholic. Given the rising tide of anti-Christian feeling among sections of the Buddhist clergy and laity prevailing at that time, a man like Lokubandara with impeccable Sinhala Buddhist credentials was seen as more suitable. The phenomenon of nine Buddhist monk MPs of the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) holding the power balance in a hung parliament saw the need for an avowed Sinhala Buddhist nationalist like Lokubandara as opposition candidate for Speaker. It was hoped that Lokubandara could win Jathika Hela Urumaya support or at least ensure their neutrality. The election results indicated that the stratagem had succeeded to a great extent. W.J.M. Lokubandara became Speaker after a bitter and closely contested election. He won with one vote (110-109) in a tussle that went down as a shameful episode in the parliamentary history of this country. In a fracas occurring while Parliament was in session, a Buddhist monk MP was manhandled by a group of MP’s. The chief culprit in this instance was the infamous Mervyn Silva. The 2010 Parliament saw Hambantota District MP Chamal Rajapaksa become Speaker. It was a time when the Rajapaksas of Ruhunu were riding high with Chamal’s younger brothers Mahinda, Basil and Gotabaya being the President, Cabinet Minister and Defence Secretary respectively. It was during Chamal Rajapaksa’s tenure as that Parliament impeached Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake. Chamal Rajapaksa completed his full term as Speaker from April 2010 to June 2015. Mahinda Rajapaksa was defeated by Maithripala Sirisena in the presidential poll of Jan 2015. Parliamentary polls in August 2015 saw the UNF forming the Government Karu Jayasuriya became speaker in August 2015 as the latest in a long line of illustrious Speakers who served the legislatures, people and country for many decades. Fate seems to have decreed that Karu Jayasuriya should don the mantle of speaker when parliamentary democracy was facing danger. In an unimaginable political twist, President Maithripala Sirisena conspired with former President Mahinda Rajapaksa to oust the then Prime minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and seize power. Sirisena arbitrarily replaced Wickremesinghe as Prime minister with Mahinda Rajapaksa. It was Wickremesinghe who had the majority of MPs on his side. The Mahinda-Maithripala duo was engaged in cobbling together a parliamentary majority by enticing MPs through incentives. Karu Jayasuriya in his capacity as Speaker provided courageous leadership to those resisting unconstitutional moves by the Maithripala-Mahinda duo to seize de facto control of Parliament followed by de-jure control. He even risked physical danger to himself in doing so. Karu refused to be cowed down by the “terror tactics” of pro-Mahinda MPs. For the first time in Sri Lanka’s parliamentary history, a group of MPs tried to attack the speaker physically. Jayasuriya was compelled to enter and exit the chamber with Police escort. Not all the waters of Diyawanna Oya are sufficient to wash off the black mark imposed on 16 November 2018. Karu Jayasuriya’s strength and courage to stand firm in this exercise in the face of violent hostility from the Maithripala-Mahinda forces was derived from his belief of being morally and legally correct. Karu Jayasuriya fought that political battle with the noble aim of safeguarding parliamentary democracy. His courageous defiance of Mahinda Rajapaksa’s MP’s in Parliament was a key element of that fight. It was the outrageously anti-democratic power grab – aided and abetted by Maithripala – of Mahinda Rajapaksa that impelled Karu to enter the fray and spearhead opposition to the illegal attempts. Karu Jayasuriya by his courageous defiance of Maithripala and Mahinda demonstrated that he was no pushover as envisaged by his political adversaries. Moreover, his brave conduct in those dark times resulted in posterity acknowledging Karu Jayasuriya as the most heroic Speaker in Sri Lanka’s Parliamentary history. Karu Jayasuriya as speaker also presided over the Constitutional Assembly tasked with the duty of formulating a new Constitution. The Constitutional assembly succeeded in bringing out a very worthwhile interim report that was approved unanimously by all party representatives. However several parties changed their stances thereafter resulting in the Constitutional exercise reaching a dead end. The 2020 elections saw Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna becoming speaker. He was the first SLPP MP to be elected as speaker. The Matara district MP who served two terms as Southern province chief minister had been first elected Hakmana MP on the UNP ticket. He was removed from office as MP by the then president J.R. Jayewardene for opposing the Indo-Lanka accord and violating party discipline. Abeywardena served as speaker when history of a peculiar variety was made in Sri Lanka. The “Aragalaya” protests resulted in the fall of the SLPP Government. The SLPP president Gotabaya Rajapaksa fled from Sri Lanka and went abroad. President Rajapaksa was met in Singapore by the Sri Lankan envoy Sashikala Premawardhane. Gotabaya t signed his letter of resignation in the presence of High Commissioner Sashikala Premawardhane. She e-mailed it immediately to Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardene in Colombo. However, some doubts regarding the authenticity of the e-mailed resignation letter were raised in Colombo. Therefore, High Commissioner Premawardhane despatched the original letter through a High Commission staffer, who personally delivered it to the Speaker in Sri Lanka. The letter was read out to Parliament by the Parliament Secretary-General. Thereafter the Speaker Abeywardena officially announced the resignation of President Rajapaksa at a news conference on 15 July 2022. The name of speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena was bandied about as a potential president in those crisis times. In fact some powerful western diplomats tacitly backed the speaker to take over the presidency. Abeywardena refused and Ranil Wickremesinghe became the eighth executive president of Sri Lanka. Presidential and Parliamentary elections in September and November 2024 saw Anura Kumara Dissanayake being elected as President and the National People’s Power (NPP) PP winning 159 seats in Parliament. The NPP Gampaha district MP Ranwala Arachchige Asoka Sapumal Ranwala served as Sri Lanka’s Speaker from 21 November to 13 December 2024 for 22 days. On 17 December 2024, Idampitiyegedara Wanigasuriya Mudiyanselage Jagath Wickramaratne was elected as Speaker. The election was unanimous. Dr. Jagath Wickramarathe who was elected on the NPP ticket from Polonnaruwa district is a medical doctor. This then is the story of the speakers of Sri Lanka from 1931 to 2024.

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Chinese President Xi Jinping is not expected to appear at Trump inauguration: reportsAP News Summary at 3:23 p.m. EST

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